Over, Harriet and Uskul, Ayse
(2017).
Culture moderates children’s responses to ostracism situations.
[Data Collection]. Colchester, Essex:
UK Data Archive.
10.5255/UKDA-SN-852859
Across a series of studies, we investigate cultural differences in children’s responses to ostracism situations. Working with the children of farmers and herders, we focus on how painful children estimate ostracism to be. Study 1a showed that that 3- to 8- year-old children from a socially interdependent farming community estimated ostracism to be less painful than did children from an independent herding community. Study 1b showed that this cultural difference was specific to social pain and did not apply to physical pain. Study 2 replicated the results of Study 1a and showed that individual differences in parents’ level of social interdependence mediated the relationship between cultural group and how painful children estimate ostracism to be. Study 3 replicated this effect again and showed that children’s tendency to recommend seeking social support following ostracism mediated the relationship between cultural group and the perceived pain of being excluded. Finally, Study 4 investigated cultural differences in moral responses to ostracism and showed that children from the farming community punished an individual who ostracised someone else less harshly than did children from the independent herding community. Thus different economic cultures are associated with striking differences in social interdependence and responses to ostracism from early in development.
Data description (abstract)
Across a series of studies, we investigate cultural differences in children’s responses to ostracism situations. Working with the children of farmers and herders, we focus on how painful children estimate ostracism to be. Study 1a showed that that 3- to 8- year-old children from a socially interdependent farming community estimated ostracism to be less painful than did children from an independent herding community. Study 1b showed that this cultural difference was specific to social pain and did not apply to physical pain. Study 2 replicated the results of Study 1a and showed that individual differences in parents’ level of social interdependence mediated the relationship between cultural group and how painful children estimate ostracism to be. Study 3 replicated this effect again and showed that children’s tendency to recommend seeking social support following ostracism mediated the relationship between cultural group and the perceived pain of being excluded. Finally, Study 4 investigated cultural differences in moral responses to ostracism and showed that children from the farming community punished an individual who ostracised someone else less harshly than did children from the independent herding community. Thus different economic cultures are associated with striking differences in social interdependence and responses to ostracism from early in development.
Data creators: |
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Sponsors: |
Economic and Social Research Council
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Grant reference: |
ES/K007602/1
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Topic classification: |
Psychology
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Keywords: |
Ostracism, Culture, Children
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Project title: |
"I don't want to play with you": Young children's use of social exclusion
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Grant holders: |
Harriet Over
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Project dates: |
From | To |
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1 December 2013 | 30 June 2017 |
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Date published: |
25 Oct 2017 14:12
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Last modified: |
25 Oct 2017 14:41
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Collection period: |
Date from: | Date to: |
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31 December 2013 | 30 June 2017 |
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Geographical area: |
Turkey |
Country: |
Turkey |
Data collection method: |
In this study, we investigate the mechanism by which cultural differences in interdependence lead to differences in children’s estimates of the pain of ostracism. If interdependence provides a protective buffer against the negative effects of ostracism, as has been suggested by previous research, then the relationship between cultural group and the estimated pain of ostracism should be mediated by the tendency to anticipate the ostracized individual seeking social support. We thus presented children with the same ostracism situation that we used in Studies 1a and 2, and asked them what they thought the ostracized child would do to make him/herself feel better. We predicted that children from the interdependent farming community should be significantly more likely to think that the ostracized child would seek social support by playing with their friends, rather than by engaging in a non-social strategy such as playing with a toy. Furthermore, we predicted that the tendency to do so would mediate the relationship between cultural group and the estimated pain of ostracism. We also measured children’s own conception of their interdependence to further test our assumption that members of the farming communities are more interdependent than are members of the herding communities. In order to do this, we used a task originally developed by Kitayama and colleagues (2009) and adapted by Keller and colleagues (e.g., Rübeling et al., 2011). In this task, we asked children to draw a picture of themselves and their friend. We predicted that children from the interdependent farming community would draw themselves and their friend standing significantly closer together, reflecting the relational closeness within interdependent communities. Following Kitayama et al. (2009) and Rübeling et al. (2001), we further predicted that children from the interdependent farming community would draw themselves relatively small compared to their friend. We asked children to draw themselves and their friend (and not, for example, their family members) because the ostracism situation depicted in our task showed ostracism between peers. We reasoned that having interdependent ties with similar others (friends) would be particularly likely to act as a buffer against the pain associated with this situation. Finally, we wanted to check that any differences in children’s responses could not be explained by differences in how frequently ostracism occurred within the two cultural groups. The young age of our participants meant that we could not ask them directly for an estimate of how frequently the type of situation depicted in our stimuli occurred. Instead, we showed the drawing of the ostracism situation to children’s parents and asked them how often situations like the one depicted occurred among children of their acquaintance. Please note that, in line with other studies that have been conducted in this region, information about the study was read to the parents of children who participated and their informed consent was obtained orally rather than in written form. |
Observation unit: |
Individual |
Kind of data: |
Numeric |
Type of data: |
Other surveys |
Resource language: |
Turkish (with some English translation) |
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Data sourcing, processing and preparation: |
Children’s responses to the question about how sad the ostracized child was feeling were coded live by the experimenter. Children’s responses to the open-ended question about what they thought the ostracized child would do to try to make her/himself feel better were transcribed by the experimenter and later coded into two general categories – social and non-social. The non-social category included responses such as ‘she should play with her toys’, ‘she should watch a movie’, ‘he should go home and sleep’, or ‘draw a picture’. The social category includes responses such as ‘find different friends to play’ and ‘play with his other friends’. A minority of participants (Nfarmers = 7, Nherders = 10) responded in ways that did not fall clearly into either category. Responses of this nature referred to seeking support from their immediate family such as their parents or siblings rather than from peers and examples in which children failed to give a clear answer (e.g., saying s/he should play) or gave no answer at all (e.g., saying they didn’t know). These responses were all coded in the original Turkish. A second coder who was unaware of the study hypotheses and children’s cultural group membership coded these open-ended responses. There was perfect overlap between the codings of both of the coders (kappa = 1).
Children’s responses to the forced choice question were coded live by the experimenter. Part of our motivation for collecting both open-ended and forced choice responses on what participants thought the ostracized child would do was to ensure that we were not missing a large number of possible responses in our forced choice options. As the coding of the open-ended responses show, the majority of responses (86%) were coded into the same categories as our forced choice options.
Children’s drawings were coded by two raters who were unaware of the study hypotheses of the study and participants’ cultural group membership. Following Song et al. (2015), the distance between children’s depiction of themselves and their friend was coded in millimetres along the horizontal axis. If children drew themselves with more than one friend, we coded the mean distance between themselves and the other individuals in millimetres. For the relative size of the self and the friend, the rater drew rectangular boxes around the figures such that the four sides of these boxes touched the furthest extent of the drawings in each direction. The area of these boxes was then calculated and the area of the drawing of the friend (or the average size of the friends if there was more than one) was subtracted from the area of the drawing of the self. The correlations between the two coders’ scores ranged between r (67) = .86 and r (90) = .996 for the three measures we analyzed below (self size, relative self- size, and distance between self and friends).
Please note that the data deposited in this collection comes from Study 3 which was funded by the ESRC. The other studies in the project were funded by Ayse K. Uskul with the help of two British Academy grants
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Rights owners: |
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Contact: |
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Notes on access: |
The Data Collection is available to any user without the requirement for registration for download/access.
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Publisher: |
UK Data Archive
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Last modified: |
25 Oct 2017 14:41
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